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GMT"}],"witnessIds":["urn:lumitra:person:chinatasteny.com:f0545a39c14eca8e"],"description":"The twenty-first century will be the century of biology, much as chemistry and physics dominated science and technology in the twentieth century. The biotech sector will become an important part of the U.S. economy. Bioeconomy already accounts for about 5 percent of the U.S. GDP today, or about U.S.$1 trillion per year; future biotech development promises to transform human lives and society around the world. As the world seeks tools to address the COVID-19 pandemic, innovation in biotechnology is the source of molecular diagnostics, antibody tests, therapeutics, and preventive vaccines.\n\nRecognizing its transformative power, China is investing a huge amount of resources in developing its biotech industry. China’s leaders have written biotech into the country’s national strategic plans. They are betting that China’s statist model will succeed in propelling China into a technological super power. China’s universities are graduating more STEM students than American colleges even though the U.S. still attracts a far greater amount of Chinese talent than the other way around. As the People’s Republic of China government looks for new economic growth points, China’s investment in biotechnology is poised to grow more in the coming years and decades.\n\nWhat should the U.S. do to remain competitive?\n\nFirst, the U.S. must work to maintain its leadership in biotechnology, an industry that it has dominated since it emerged in the 1970s. A loss of U.S. leadership in biotech will impact American competitiveness and security for sure. But perhaps more consequential is the weakening of the existing norms and institutions that underlie an open, ethical, and internationally collaborative enterprise in basic and applied biosciences research and biotech commercialization. The U.S. government must improve policy coordination at the highest level, update its IP laws to incentivize biotech productive development, develop next-generation manufacturing capabilities, and dedicate greater resources to training a competent, diverse, and innovation-minded workforce.\n\nSecond, the United States must put in place vigorous but targeted measures to minimize the risks that accompany any international collaboration, including with Chinese institutions. The U.S. government must block illicit or forced tech transfers to China and counter harmful Chinese industrial practices that disadvantage American innovators and investors. We should also aggressively pursue greater reciprocal rules and harmonized standards for exchanging information and biomaterials.\n\nFinally, American policymakers should keep in mind the enormous benefits of U.S.-China collaboration in biotechnology for solving the world’s pressing medical and public health problems. As the COVID-19 pandemic has shown, the world loses enormously from any political obstacles to international cooperation. Re-joining international organizations such as the WHO is the right thing to do, as is maintaining scientific collaboration with China on urgent or shared challenges, assuming appropriate risk mitigation processes and rules are in place at both federal and institutional levels. The stakes are simply too high for the U.S. and China to go their separate ways, especially in a highly connected world where pandemics do not recognize borders.","fieldSources":{"image":{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/how-can-us-maintain-global-leadership-science-and-technology.html","basis":"publisher_declared","format":"Published person (name and role labels)","published":"2020-11-18T08:08:53-05:00","observedAt":"2026-10-18T00:13:40.774482009Z","relationship":"publisher"},"description":{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/how-can-us-maintain-global-leadership-science-and-technology.html","basis":"publisher_declared","format":"Published person (name and role labels)","published":"2020-11-18T08:08:53-05:00","observedAt":"2026-10-18T00:13:40.774482009Z","relationship":"publisher"}}},"basis":"publisher_declared","fact_type":"people.person","schema_version":1,"first_observed_at":"2026-10-18T00:13:40.774482+00:00","last_confirmed_at":"2026-10-18T00:13:40.774482+00:00"},{"label":"Anja Manuel","value":{"@id":"urn:lumitra:person:946a0f68-d5f2-442a-acb5-75c1bbd64a63","name":"Anja Manuel","@type":"Person","image":"https://www.chinafile.com/sites/default/files/styles/epsacrop_220x220/public/assets/images/profile/manuel_sm.jpg","sources":[{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/how-can-us-maintain-global-leadership-science-and-technology.html","format":"Published person (name and role labels)","modified":"2020-11-18T08:09:12-05:00","published":"2020-11-18T08:08:53-05:00","observedAt":"2026-10-18T00:13:40.774482009Z","relationship":"publisher","httpLastModified":"Thu, 01 Jan 2026 23:32:01 GMT"}],"witnessIds":["urn:lumitra:person:chinatasteny.com:5747330c1a66e2ad"],"description":"Even at the height of the Cold War, U.S. and Soviet scientists collaborated on openly publishable fundamental science research. Arthur Bienenstock took part in these collaborations.\n\nIt is vital that the U.S. remain a leader in basic science. With the U.S. only performing about one quarter of the world’s research and development (R&D), international collaboration is an important part of our scientific enterprise. China is, by far, the primary nation with which U.S. researchers collaborate. We must maintain those collaborations, particularly in areas of common concern like climate change and pandemics.\n\nYet, China’s huge, state-dominated economy, its questionable political and military intentions, and its slow progress in IP protection make it a formidable and threatening competitor. In recent years, there have been reports of researchers at U.S. universities inappropriately transferring ideas and IP to China, and of U.S. scientists’ failing to disclose Chinese funding and participation in Chinese government-run talent programs.\n\nA targeted approach to managing the risk such breaches pose is far better than closing our borders to collaboration with China and others. The following steps can help mitigate the risks of open and collaborative research:\n\nThe U.S. visa-vetting system must have primary responsibility for screening out those deemed inappropriate for graduate studies to participate in research at U.S. universities. The government should exercise its responsibility in a manner that maximizes the access by U.S. universities and industries to talent without compromising national security.\n\nHighly sensitive research in dual-use areas should be classified and transferred from universities to national labs, which can vet researchers and protect IP better than universities.\n\nOpenness requires honesty, transparency, and integrity. Universities should strengthen and rigorously implement conflict of interest, commitment policies, and vetting of foreign-funded projects while also providing relevant training in these areas to everyone from senior researchers to students.\n\nFinally, we must cooperate with our friends and allies in Europe and the Indo-Pacific region to ensure that they implement a similar risk-mitigation strategy.\n\nFinally, the U.S. must strengthen its R&D ecosystem by increasing funding for basic R&D, and it must continue attracting the world’s best talent to its universities and laboratories while growing a more diverse domestic pool of STEM talent.\n\nA strong commitment to openness, coupled with smart risk mitigation, is a sure road to maintaining American leadership in fundamental scientific research. Closing up the U.S. research system and stymying collaboration will harm the United States, causing us to fall behind and become a second-rate nation in science and technology.","fieldSources":{"image":{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/how-can-us-maintain-global-leadership-science-and-technology.html","basis":"publisher_declared","format":"Published person (name and role labels)","published":"2020-11-18T08:08:53-05:00","observedAt":"2026-10-18T00:13:40.774482009Z","relationship":"publisher"},"description":{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/how-can-us-maintain-global-leadership-science-and-technology.html","basis":"publisher_declared","format":"Published person (name and role 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Wei","value":{"@id":"urn:lumitra:person:009e6cb8-71cb-4155-aadc-c88c8b509b67","name":"Da Wei","@type":"Person","image":"https://www.chinafile.com/sites/default/files/styles/epsacrop_220x220/public/assets/images/profile/da_wei_sm_0.jpg","sources":[{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/has-covid-19-changed-how-chinas-leaders-approach-national-security.html","format":"Published person (name and role labels)","modified":"2020-06-03T14:37:46-04:00","published":"2020-06-03T14:32:58-04:00","observedAt":"2026-10-18T00:14:03.302065575Z","relationship":"publisher","httpLastModified":"Fri, 02 Jan 2026 05:51:44 GMT"}],"witnessIds":["urn:lumitra:person:chinatasteny.com:aac14bad2d737a18"],"description":"It’s true that China’s external environment has deteriorated since the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic. Having said that, the role of the pandemic in the change in China’s strategic calculus should not be exaggerated.\n\nIn 2018, almost two years before the coronavirus outbreak, the Chinese government began to use a new phrase to describe its external environment when Xi Jinping claimed that the world was experiencing “ profound changes unseen in a century .” From the Chinese government’s point of view, the world order has undergone dramatic changes in the last decade. New powers and players are emerging, and—particularly under the Trump administration—the U.S. is withdrawing from its leadership in the liberal world order. The existing world order which China has tried to integrate into and which it has benefited from has begun to disintegrate. As for China-U.S. relations, the Trump administration abandoned the long-term “engagement” strategy towards China and defined China as a “ strategic competitor ” in December 2017. The two countries waded into a trade war in 2018. The same year, the U.S. began its efforts to strangle Chinese hi-tech companies like ZTE and Huawei. These changes have brought huge uncertainties to, if not purely negative impacts on, China’s further development. COVID-19 has been an accelerant to changes in the Chinese government’s strategic calculus that were already long underway.\n\nThe Chinese government does not have an incentive to maintain its internal stability by showing toughness externally. A survey conducted by Singapore-based independent pollster Blackbox Research found that out of people polled in 23 countries and regions, Chinese respondents were the most satisfied with their government’s COVID response. It’s completely wrong to think that the Chinese government is in a difficult position due to COVID-19. To link China’s international behavior to its domestic stability could be misleading.\n\nThe distrust between China and the U.S. has heightened in recent years. When we have a strong view towards the other side, it is always very easy to “link the dots” from the other side’s behavior to support our biased belief. It is not hard for the China-bashers in the West to find those “dots,” but it’s also easy for the Chinese to do the same thing. In January and February 2020, when China was the only epicenter of the crisis, Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross predicted that the epidemic could help return jobs to the U.S. U.S. media and Senator Tom Cotton began to engage in baseless speculation that COVID-19 is a man-made virus from a lab in Wuhan. Those “dots” were widely read in Chinese social media and many Chinese people naturally had the impression the U.S. was trying to exploit the crisis to weaken, stigmatize, and isolate China. When observers use the term “wolf warrior diplomacy” to describe China’s foreign policy during the crisis, my impression is that the majority of Chinese believe that China is in a defensive posture and their diplomats’ harsh comments against the U.S. are a legitimate attempt at self-defense. So again, it is completely wrong to think that China is using the difficult situation foreign countries are in because of the pandemic to expand its own strategic influence or gain strategic advantages.\n\nChina of course wants a benign external environment. The challenge is that the environment itself is changing, and China cannot determine its trajectory. It takes two to tango. The next U.S. administration, no matter whether it is Republican or Democratic, will face a critical choice: whether it should pursue a healthy competition strategy or a zero-sum suppression strategy with China.","fieldSources":{"image":{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/has-covid-19-changed-how-chinas-leaders-approach-national-security.html","basis":"publisher_declared","format":"Published person (name and role labels)","published":"2020-06-03T14:32:58-04:00","observedAt":"2026-10-18T00:14:03.302065575Z","relationship":"publisher"},"description":{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/has-covid-19-changed-how-chinas-leaders-approach-national-security.html","basis":"publisher_declared","format":"Published person (name and role 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site)","jobTitle":"Director","observedAt":"2026-10-18T00:12:51.666212407Z","relationship":"publisher"}],"jobTitle":"Director","witnessIds":["urn:lumitra:person:chinatasteny.com:dba798ff410eb7fb"],"fieldSources":{"jobTitle":{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com","basis":"publisher_declared","format":"Published person (named with a role or their own mailbox on the site)","observedAt":"2026-10-18T00:12:51.666212407Z","relationship":"publisher"}},"roles":[{"source":{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com","format":"Published person (named with a role or their own mailbox on the site)","published":"","relationship":"publisher"},"observed_at":"2026-10-18T00:12:51.666212+00:00","capacity":"director","title":"Director"}]},"basis":"publisher_declared","fact_type":"people.person","schema_version":1,"first_observed_at":"2026-10-18T00:12:51.666212+00:00","last_confirmed_at":"2026-10-18T00:12:51.666212+00:00"},{"label":"Evans Revere","value":{"@id":"urn:lumitra:person:369399eb-c669-4251-9da0-42064ef3160e","asOf":"2023-04-13","name":"Evans Revere","@type":"Person","sources":[{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/10-years-of-north-korea-challenge.html","format":"Published person (named with a role or their own mailbox on the site)","jobTitle":"Senior Director","published":"2023-04-13","observedAt":"2026-10-18T00:15:05.287486169Z","relationship":"publisher"}],"jobTitle":"Senior Director","roleStatus":"last_seen","witnessIds":["urn:lumitra:person:chinatasteny.com:145aa234716330a9"],"fieldSources":{"jobTitle":{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/10-years-of-north-korea-challenge.html","basis":"publisher_declared","format":"Published person (named with a role or their own mailbox on the site)","published":"2023-04-13","observedAt":"2026-10-18T00:15:05.287486169Z","relationship":"publisher"}},"roles":[{"source":{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/10-years-of-north-korea-challenge.html","format":"Published person (named with a 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23:32:01 GMT"}],"witnessIds":["urn:lumitra:person:chinatasteny.com:6b78dcc29536825d"],"description":"Over the last decade, U.S. views of China’s technological prospects have shifted rapidly. After long dismissing China as a country of uncreative imitators, it’s good we’re now recognizing that Chinese research labs and tech companies alike are reaching the point where they can compete on the world stage.\n\nAt the same time, in most areas it’s not accurate to claim that China has outstripped the United States, or that it soon will. In artificial intelligence (AI), for example, much has been made of the importance of data and the supposed advantage China draws from having access to the digital footprints of its 1.4 billion citizens. In reality, the strategic relevance of data is not so clear , nor is it obvious that China has access to more or better data in practice than, say, U.S.-based multinationals. Likewise, consternation that China now publishes more AI research papers or files more patents than the United States should be allayed by the fact that Chinese researchers are heavily incentivized to publish and patent rapidly rather than well, and that comprehensive assessments of national AI strength consistently put the United States on top.\n\nSo, does this imply that the United States can coast on its current success? Of course not. What it means is that policies to support U.S. technological competitiveness should be based on a sober assessment of our relative strengths, rather than a simplistic fear of China surging ahead.\n\nThe areas where the United States has an enduring advantage are not hard to find, once you look for them: deep alliances, world-class universities, a vibrant private sector, and the ability to draw brilliant researchers, engineers, and entrepreneurs from all around the world. Bolstering these strengths must be the core aim of U.S. technology policy. Where China attempts to exploit the openness of the U.S.-led system—for example, by stealing trade secrets or controlled technologies—targeted countermeasures are needed. But a technology strategy that focuses more on denying Chinese access than on building U.S. capacity is sure to fail.\n\nIn 1972, the great strategist Andy Marshall wrote that the key question for U.S. planners in the Cold War should be, “How can the United States move the competition into areas where it has an advantage, or the Soviets a disadvantage?” Although the United States today faces a different competitor in a different kind of competition, that underlying question is still an excellent guide. U.S. strengths are substantial, and—if fostered, rather than neglected—put us in good stead for the decades to come.","fieldSources":{"image":{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/how-can-us-maintain-global-leadership-science-and-technology.html","basis":"publisher_declared","format":"Published person (name and role labels)","published":"2020-11-18T08:08:53-05:00","observedAt":"2026-10-18T00:13:40.774482009Z","relationship":"publisher"},"description":{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/how-can-us-maintain-global-leadership-science-and-technology.html","basis":"publisher_declared","format":"Published person (name and role labels)","published":"2020-11-18T08:08:53-05:00","observedAt":"2026-10-18T00:13:40.774482009Z","relationship":"publisher"}}},"basis":"publisher_declared","fact_type":"people.person","schema_version":1,"first_observed_at":"2026-10-18T00:13:40.774482+00:00","last_confirmed_at":"2026-10-18T00:13:40.774482+00:00"},{"label":"Ismail Tiliwaldi","value":{"@id":"urn:lumitra:person:2b8a030b-ce84-4fbb-8779-7cc969569370","asOf":"2018-05-11","name":"Ismail Tiliwaldi","@type":"Person","sources":[{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/central-and-regional-leadership-xinjiang-policy-xis-second-term.html","format":"Published person (named with a role or their own mailbox on the site)","jobTitle":"Chairman","published":"2018-05-11","observedAt":"2026-10-18T00:14:36.841972199Z","relationship":"publisher"}],"jobTitle":"Chairman","roleStatus":"last_seen","witnessIds":["urn:lumitra:person:chinatasteny.com:8ab68c0cc08cda21"],"fieldSources":{"jobTitle":{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/central-and-regional-leadership-xinjiang-policy-xis-second-term.html","basis":"publisher_declared","format":"Published person (named with a role or their own mailbox on the site)","published":"2018-05-11","observedAt":"2026-10-18T00:14:36.841972199Z","relationship":"publisher"}},"roles":[{"source":{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/central-and-regional-leadership-xinjiang-policy-xis-second-term.html","format":"Published person (named with a role or their own mailbox on the site)","published":"2018-05-11","relationship":"publisher"},"observed_at":"2026-10-18T00:14:36.841972+00:00","capacity":"chair","title":"Chairman"}]},"basis":"publisher_declared","fact_type":"people.person","schema_version":1,"first_observed_at":"2026-10-18T00:14:36.841972+00:00","last_confirmed_at":"2026-10-18T00:14:36.841972+00:00"},{"label":"James A. Millward","value":{"@id":"urn:lumitra:person:910fbfd6-5753-4577-90df-b8cd314f0f2f","name":"James A. Millward","@type":"Person","sources":[{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/education.html","format":"Published person (named with a role or their own mailbox on the site)","jobTitle":"Lessons from Tiananmen for Today’s University Presidents","observedAt":"2026-10-18T00:13:59.730131479Z","relationship":"publisher"}],"jobTitle":"Lessons from Tiananmen for Today’s University Presidents","witnessIds":["urn:lumitra:person:chinatasteny.com:b80a929b84ebdfba"],"fieldSources":{"jobTitle":{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/education.html","basis":"publisher_declared","format":"Published person (named with a role or their own mailbox on the site)","observedAt":"2026-10-18T00:13:59.730131479Z","relationship":"publisher"}},"roles":[{"source":{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/education.html","format":"Published person (named with a role or their own mailbox on the site)","published":"","relationship":"publisher"},"observed_at":"2026-10-18T00:13:59.730131+00:00","capacity":"lesson from tiananmen for today university president","title":"Lessons from Tiananmen for Today’s University Presidents"}]},"basis":"publisher_declared","fact_type":"people.person","schema_version":1,"first_observed_at":"2026-10-18T00:13:59.730131+00:00","last_confirmed_at":"2026-10-18T00:13:59.730131+00:00"},{"label":"Jessica Batke","value":{"@id":"urn:lumitra:person:4159b99f-eeab-412a-b068-3a4958394b72","name":"Jessica Batke","@type":"Person","email":"jessica@chinafile.com","sources":[{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/about.html","format":"Published person (page markup)","modified":"2025-04-28T21:04:30-04:00","published":"2017-03-11T07:01:36-05:00","observedAt":"2026-10-18T00:12:55.986751239Z","relationship":"publisher","httpLastModified":"Fri, 02 Jan 2026 02:02:28 GMT"}],"department":"Senior Editor for Investigations","witnessIds":["urn:lumitra:person:chinatasteny.com:de79d5f26ac08df4"],"fieldSources":{"email":{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/about.html","basis":"publisher_declared","format":"Published person (page markup)","published":"2017-03-11T07:01:36-05:00","observedAt":"2026-10-18T00:12:55.986751239Z","relationship":"publisher"},"department":{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/about.html","basis":"publisher_declared","format":"Published person (page markup)","published":"2017-03-11T07:01:36-05:00","observedAt":"2026-10-18T00:12:55.986751239Z","relationship":"publisher"}},"candidateWitnesses":[{"source":{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/about.html","format":"Person candidate named on the business's own site page (no admission chain accepted it)","observedAt":"2026-10-18T00:12:55.986751239Z"},"candidate_reason":"mailbox_without_role: a mailbox spells the name, and no role or contact purpose is printed beside it"}],"contactRoutes":[{"value":"jessica@chinafile.com","channel":"email","purpose":"unknown","validity":"unknown","observed_at":"2026-10-18T00:12:55.986751+00:00","availability":"unknown","field_sources":{"value":{"via":["http://chinatasteny.com/about.html"],"basis":"publisher_declared"}},"representation":"structured"}]},"basis":"publisher_declared","fact_type":"people.person","schema_version":1,"first_observed_at":"2026-10-18T00:12:55.986751+00:00","last_confirmed_at":"2026-10-18T00:12:55.986751+00:00"},{"label":"Jia Qingguo","value":{"@id":"urn:lumitra:person:0088acc0-610a-4d06-b0fc-2918b24d7730","name":"Jia Qingguo","@type":"Person","image":"https://www.chinafile.com/sites/default/files/styles/epsacrop_220x220/public/assets/images/profile/jia_qingguo_1.jpg","sources":[{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/has-covid-19-changed-how-chinas-leaders-approach-national-security.html","format":"Published person (name and role labels)","modified":"2020-06-03T14:37:46-04:00","published":"2020-06-03T14:32:58-04:00","observedAt":"2026-10-18T00:14:03.302065575Z","relationship":"publisher","httpLastModified":"Fri, 02 Jan 2026 05:51:44 GMT"}],"witnessIds":["urn:lumitra:person:chinatasteny.com:a6eaca0081be6dae"],"description":"Has China’s diplomacy gone through a fundamental shift in recent years? That is a question that draws much attention in the world. On the surface, it has. It is more proactive in asserting its rights and interests on a whole range of issues: territorial disputes, high-tech development, COVID-19 investigation, Taiwan, and most recently Hong Kong. Moreover, its style of doing so is more combative and, to some, more aggressive—e.g. alleging that the U.S. brought the virus to China and publicly condemning senior U.S. officials. Finally, in the wake of containing the COVID-19 pandemic in China, it delivered huge quantities of medical supplies to many countries, an action that many in the West claim is designed to peddle China’s political system and vie for global leadership.\n\nDespite posturing and style, however, China’s diplomacy is consistent with the past. Its leaders’ grand strategy does not entail dominating the world, as some contend. To begin with, China’s diplomacy remains largely reactive to changing circumstances. Confronted with the U.S.-led banning of travel from China in the wake of the sudden outbreak of the COVID-19 crisis, China tried to persuade other countries to moderate their restrictions for fear of the impact on China’s economy. When the outbreak hit other countries, China’s supplying medical equipment was intended in part to honor its humanitarian obligations and in part to make sure the pandemic would not jeopardize China’s economic chances. It was only in response to the Western smear campaign that Chinese diplomats went out of their way to hit back.\n\nChina’s diplomatic goals remain unchanged: defending its maritime territorial rights and interests in the South China Sea, maintaining its one-China principle on Taiwan, upholding the principle of non-intervention in domestic affairs, promoting China’s economic development, and securing a peaceful and friendly international environment. Even when facing increasing attacks from the U.S., China continued its shipment of medical supplies and reiterated its desire for a stable and cooperative relationship with the U.S.\n\nFinally, China’s diplomatic initiatives are largely driven by domestic interests. Its Belt and Road Initiative is designed to make its own economic development more sustainable. Its call for multilateral cooperation reflects its leaders’ belief that they can better protect China’s interests through existing international mechanisms and institutions. Their insistence on the principle of non-intervention in domestic affairs derives from concerns over domestic political stability.\n\nIn sum, China’s diplomacy has not changed in substance despite changes in rhetoric and style. It is American perception of it that has changed. Previously, many Americans had hoped that China would become more liberal, and even democratic, as the country developed economically and became more integrated with the outside world. They are disappointed and feel betrayed because their expectation has not been fulfilled. As a result, they have begun to examine China’s behavior in the worst possible light and to believe whatever China does is wrong, the result of evil intentions. Maybe it’s time to take a balanced view and adopt a realistic and pragmatic policy so that the two countries can peacefully coexist and cooperate when needed.","fieldSources":{"image":{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/has-covid-19-changed-how-chinas-leaders-approach-national-security.html","basis":"publisher_declared","format":"Published person (name and role labels)","published":"2020-06-03T14:32:58-04:00","observedAt":"2026-10-18T00:14:03.302065575Z","relationship":"publisher"},"description":{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/has-covid-19-changed-how-chinas-leaders-approach-national-security.html","basis":"publisher_declared","format":"Published person (name and role labels)","published":"2020-06-03T14:32:58-04:00","observedAt":"2026-10-18T00:14:03.302065575Z","relationship":"publisher"}}},"basis":"publisher_declared","fact_type":"people.person","schema_version":1,"first_observed_at":"2026-10-18T00:14:03.302065+00:00","last_confirmed_at":"2026-10-18T00:14:03.302065+00:00"},{"label":"Jia Qinglin","value":{"@id":"urn:lumitra:person:f7f586bb-6a09-40cd-aeb1-a2b66adcdac4","asOf":"2018-05-11","name":"Jia Qinglin","@type":"Person","sources":[{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/central-and-regional-leadership-xinjiang-policy-xis-second-term.html","format":"Published person (named with a role or their own mailbox on the site)","jobTitle":"CPPCC Chairman","published":"2018-05-11","observedAt":"2026-10-18T00:14:36.841972199Z","relationship":"publisher"}],"jobTitle":"CPPCC Chairman","roleStatus":"last_seen","witnessIds":["urn:lumitra:person:chinatasteny.com:422e245a5d0bebac"],"fieldSources":{"jobTitle":{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/central-and-regional-leadership-xinjiang-policy-xis-second-term.html","basis":"publisher_declared","format":"Published person (named with a role or their own mailbox on the site)","published":"2018-05-11","observedAt":"2026-10-18T00:14:36.841972199Z","relationship":"publisher"}},"roles":[{"source":{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/central-and-regional-leadership-xinjiang-policy-xis-second-term.html","format":"Published person (named with a role or their own mailbox on the site)","published":"2018-05-11","relationship":"publisher"},"observed_at":"2026-10-18T00:14:36.841972+00:00","capacity":"cppcc chair","title":"CPPCC Chairman"}]},"basis":"publisher_declared","fact_type":"people.person","schema_version":1,"first_observed_at":"2026-10-18T00:14:36.841972+00:00","last_confirmed_at":"2026-10-18T00:14:36.841972+00:00"},{"label":"Josh Feola","value":{"@id":"urn:lumitra:person:7dcda884-cbed-45f9-8047-ec505b90a536","name":"Josh Feola","@type":"Person","sources":[{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/beijings-skinheads.html","format":"Published person (named with a role in the page's text)","modified":"2016-10-05T11:11:22-04:00","published":"2016-10-05T00:00:00-04:00","observedAt":"2026-10-18T00:12:57.696325691Z","relationship":"publisher","httpLastModified":"Thu, 01 Jan 2026 23:39:15 GMT"}],"witnessIds":["urn:lumitra:person:chinatasteny.com:ec5f2e3bf23219b2"]},"basis":"publisher_declared","fact_type":"people.person","schema_version":1,"first_observed_at":"2026-10-18T00:12:57.696325+00:00","last_confirmed_at":"2026-10-18T00:12:57.696325+00:00"},{"label":"Joshua Rosenzweig","value":{"@id":"urn:lumitra:person:9cfd5a7a-40e6-414b-b0c1-e2797d7bfb4a","name":"Joshua Rosenzweig","@type":"Person","sources":[{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/chinese-lawyers-chinese-lawmakers-let-us-defend-our-clients.html","format":"Published person (named with a role in the page's text)","modified":"2016-03-07T15:26:35-05:00","published":"2015-01-15T18:03:18-05:00","observedAt":"2026-10-18T00:13:25.739877928Z","relationship":"publisher","httpLastModified":"Thu, 01 Jan 2026 23:52:11 GMT"}],"witnessIds":["urn:lumitra:person:chinatasteny.com:aa983eb5161bfd20"]},"basis":"publisher_declared","fact_type":"people.person","schema_version":1,"first_observed_at":"2026-10-18T00:13:25.739877+00:00","last_confirmed_at":"2026-10-18T00:13:25.739877+00:00"},{"label":"Karl Eikenberry","value":{"@id":"urn:lumitra:person:fed28a38-336b-4615-a026-503fed7a5ca6","name":"Karl Eikenberry","@type":"Person","image":"https://www.chinafile.com/sites/default/files/styles/epsacrop_220x220/public/assets/images/profile/photo_at_encina_hall_-_fall_2017.jpg","sources":[{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/how-can-us-maintain-global-leadership-science-and-technology.html","format":"Published person (name and role labels)","modified":"2020-11-18T08:09:12-05:00","published":"2020-11-18T08:08:53-05:00","observedAt":"2026-10-18T00:13:40.774482009Z","relationship":"publisher","httpLastModified":"Thu, 01 Jan 2026 23:32:01 GMT"}],"witnessIds":["urn:lumitra:person:chinatasteny.com:aba74444f5b177dd"],"description":"Technology is the primary driver of change in warfare. Thus, the ever more rapid development and deployment of new technologies with national security implications present challenges to U.S. defense and military leaders charged with anticipating the future nature of armed conflict. China’s emergence in the 21st century as America’s most formidable geopolitical rival—given its own increasingly capable innovative economy—makes these challenges more acute.\n\nThe report “ Meeting the China Challenge: A New American Strategy for Technology Competition ” offers useful insights for crafting a military strategy that effectively responds to potential threats posed by a steadily modernizing People’s Liberation Army (PLA). Drawing upon the report’s findings, let me offer three recommendations to U.S. defense planners.\n\nFirst, anticipate that the People’s Republic of China (PRC) will eventually match and in some areas exceed the U.S. in the development of basic militarily relevant technologies. But this alone is no cause for alarm. Even during its competition with a Soviet Union that was far less economically formidable than contemporary China, America’s armed forces did not overmatch every Red Army weapons system. Most U.S. senior military officers with whom I have recently spoken emphasize that the PLA’s possession of a certain set of technologies does not guarantee it will produce superior applications of those technologies. The design of superior military applications is a matter of human capital at every stage of the process, from tech development, to military thought, to peacetime military innovation, to military adaptability in time of combat.\n\nSecond, adopt a “whole of allies and partners” approach to managing technology competition with China. The quest for superior military applications will be facilitated by a collective enterprise. Importantly, such an approach is essential if efforts to protect and sustain leads in those several technologies deemed the crown jewels, such as semiconductor capabilities, are to succeed. We live in a very different world economically and commercially than that of the Cold War, when the U.S.-led Coordinating Committee for Multilateral Export Controls (CoCOM) attempted to coordinate the national controls member states applied to the export of strategic material and technology to the Communist world. Nevertheless, agencies and rules fit to purpose and grounded in current realities must be established.\n\nThird, add the influential voice of the Department of Defense and U.S. armed forces to the side of those in intragovernmental debates advocating that America preserve its long-standing fundamental advantage in its ability to attract the world’s best talent to its universities, laboratories, and centers of commercial innovation. Military commanders know that there are certain contests where strength in numbers matters. High-tech competition is one such contest. The size of the U.S. population is less than one-quarter that of the PRC; the PRC’s is less than one-fifth that of the entire world. The U.S. must be able to draw on the world’s best students, scientists, and engineers to maintain its position as the global leader and safeguard its security.","fieldSources":{"image":{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/how-can-us-maintain-global-leadership-science-and-technology.html","basis":"publisher_declared","format":"Published person (name and role labels)","published":"2020-11-18T08:08:53-05:00","observedAt":"2026-10-18T00:13:40.774482009Z","relationship":"publisher"},"description":{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/how-can-us-maintain-global-leadership-science-and-technology.html","basis":"publisher_declared","format":"Published person (name and role labels)","published":"2020-11-18T08:08:53-05:00","observedAt":"2026-10-18T00:13:40.774482009Z","relationship":"publisher"}}},"basis":"publisher_declared","fact_type":"people.person","schema_version":1,"first_observed_at":"2026-10-18T00:13:40.774482+00:00","last_confirmed_at":"2026-10-18T00:13:40.774482+00:00"},{"label":"Lu Yan","value":{"@id":"urn:lumitra:person:132f26c5-48a3-4b06-b7fc-cdfb807d2ca8","name":"Lu Yan","@type":"Person","sources":[{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/moving-2-million-people-beijings-urban-reset.html","format":"Published person (named with a role in the page's text)","jobTitle":"Director","modified":"2025-04-28T16:46:08-04:00","published":"2015-10-20T13:11:21-04:00","observedAt":"2026-10-18T00:13:01.840241607Z","relationship":"publisher","httpLastModified":"Fri, 02 Jan 2026 02:39:47 GMT"}],"jobTitle":"Director","witnessIds":["urn:lumitra:person:chinatasteny.com:2b0907ee7385f65e"],"fieldSources":{"jobTitle":{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/moving-2-million-people-beijings-urban-reset.html","basis":"publisher_declared","format":"Published person (named with a role in the page's text)","published":"2015-10-20T13:11:21-04:00","observedAt":"2026-10-18T00:13:01.840241607Z","relationship":"publisher"}},"roles":[{"source":{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/moving-2-million-people-beijings-urban-reset.html","format":"Published person (named with a role in the page's text)","published":"2015-10-20T13:11:21-04:00","relationship":"publisher"},"observed_at":"2026-10-18T00:13:01.840241+00:00","capacity":"director","title":"Director"}]},"basis":"publisher_declared","fact_type":"people.person","schema_version":1,"first_observed_at":"2026-10-18T00:13:01.840241+00:00","last_confirmed_at":"2026-10-18T00:13:01.840241+00:00"},{"label":"Mary Barra","value":{"@id":"urn:lumitra:person:996edb75-6192-4197-a4ef-17226bea3889","name":"Mary Barra","@type":"Person","sources":[{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/energy.html","format":"Published person (named with a role or their own mailbox on the site)","jobTitle":"chief","observedAt":"2026-10-18T00:13:59.73011164Z","relationship":"publisher"}],"jobTitle":"chief","witnessIds":["urn:lumitra:person:chinatasteny.com:7cf95b280edae63e"],"fieldSources":{"jobTitle":{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/energy.html","basis":"publisher_declared","format":"Published person (named with a role or their own mailbox on the site)","observedAt":"2026-10-18T00:13:59.73011164Z","relationship":"publisher"}},"roles":[{"source":{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/energy.html","format":"Published person (named with a role or their own mailbox on the site)","published":"","relationship":"publisher"},"observed_at":"2026-10-18T00:13:59.730111+00:00","capacity":"chief","title":"chief"}]},"basis":"publisher_declared","fact_type":"people.person","schema_version":1,"first_observed_at":"2026-10-18T00:13:59.730111+00:00","last_confirmed_at":"2026-10-18T00:13:59.730111+00:00"},{"label":"Oriana Skylar Mastro","value":{"@id":"urn:lumitra:person:33c7eca4-d1c1-4901-9b5c-d4b4aaed2c4f","name":"Oriana Skylar Mastro","@type":"Person","image":"https://www.chinafile.com/sites/default/files/styles/epsacrop_220x220/public/assets/images/profile/orianasmastrao.jpg","sources":[{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/has-covid-19-changed-how-chinas-leaders-approach-national-security.html","format":"Published person (name and role labels)","modified":"2020-06-03T14:37:46-04:00","published":"2020-06-03T14:32:58-04:00","observedAt":"2026-10-18T00:14:03.302065575Z","relationship":"publisher","httpLastModified":"Fri, 02 Jan 2026 05:51:44 GMT"}],"witnessIds":["urn:lumitra:person:chinatasteny.com:5a86c2bcab0174a6"],"description":"The Chinese leadership’s preference for a benign external security environment during the country’s rise has not changed, but views about how to achieve this end state may be evolving. For most of the post-reform era, China’s leaders have attempted to ensure global conditions conducive to their interests by reassuring other countries that China’s rise would be peaceful . Even as China has become even more assertive in its maritime claims, vis-à-vis Taiwan , and most recently along the line of actual control (LAC) with India , rhetoric from Beijing has tended to emphasize China’s inherently peaceful nature. As recently as the spring of 2019, at the 18th Shangri-La Dialogue, China’s defense minister, General Wei Fenghe, contended that China has “never provoked a war or conflict, nor has it ever invaded another country or taken an inch of land from others,” and assured that it never will. In short, the strategic focus has largely been on reassurance.\n\nBut there is another parallel thread within Chinese historical and contemporary behavior: a deep fear that foreign powers will exploit times of internal difficulty to their benefit, and China’s detriment. This interpretation of history, which admittedly is highlighted and propagated by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) for its own ends, can cause the CCP to deviate from assurance to focus on deterrence as a means to create a benign security environment. The recent spike in Chinese military and paramilitary activities in the South and East China Sea and exercises around and incursions along the LAC with India may be designed to warn those actors that COVID-19 has not made China soft.\n\nIn this vein, China often sees its assertiveness as a response to a transgression by the other side , a tendency Andrew Scobell of RAND calls its “ cult of defense .” Chinese media has accused Vietnam of making trouble in the South China Sea during the pandemic and Taiwan of taking advantage of COVID to expand its international space with its “ mask diplomacy .” In short, the CCP may believe its aggressive actions will ensure a benign external environment during the uncertainty of COVID by deterring other actors from taking actions detrimental to Beijing.\n\nLastly, there has always been an opportunistic strain in the behavior of the CCP’s leadership, especially under Xi Jinping. As its relative power gap grows, China may be more confident in pushing its agenda. According to this logic, Beijing may still care about the security environment and yet doubt other countries can do much to undermine its rise.\n\nSo, which is it? I would be surprised if the Chinese leadership were so confident at this level of its power, especially given the U.S. focus on strategic competition and America’s military might. I think an emphasis on deterrence to ensure a benign security environment is the more likely explanation for recent Chinese assertiveness. But if China comes out on top post-COVID, motivations for its aggression may shift to opportunism. Regardless, it seems that provocative and aggressive behavior, especially against its neighbors, is here to stay.","fieldSources":{"image":{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/has-covid-19-changed-how-chinas-leaders-approach-national-security.html","basis":"publisher_declared","format":"Published person (name and role labels)","published":"2020-06-03T14:32:58-04:00","observedAt":"2026-10-18T00:14:03.302065575Z","relationship":"publisher"},"description":{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/has-covid-19-changed-how-chinas-leaders-approach-national-security.html","basis":"publisher_declared","format":"Published person (name and role labels)","published":"2020-06-03T14:32:58-04:00","observedAt":"2026-10-18T00:14:03.302065575Z","relationship":"publisher"}}},"basis":"publisher_declared","fact_type":"people.person","schema_version":1,"first_observed_at":"2026-10-18T00:14:03.302065+00:00","last_confirmed_at":"2026-10-18T00:14:03.302065+00:00"},{"label":"Peter Cowhey","value":{"@id":"urn:lumitra:person:52825a26-f923-4927-a928-ba42e77b545c","name":"Peter Cowhey","@type":"Person","image":"https://www.chinafile.com/sites/default/files/styles/epsacrop_220x220/public/assets/images/profile/peter_cowhey_sm.jpg","sources":[{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/how-can-us-maintain-global-leadership-science-and-technology.html","format":"Published person (name and role labels)","modified":"2020-11-18T08:09:12-05:00","published":"2020-11-18T08:08:53-05:00","observedAt":"2026-10-18T00:13:40.774482009Z","relationship":"publisher","httpLastModified":"Thu, 01 Jan 2026 23:32:01 GMT"}],"witnessIds":["urn:lumitra:person:chinatasteny.com:9cbc8b0eae0c520e"],"description":"U.S. sanctions against Huawei and ZTE have thrust 5G broadband mobile technology into the center of the U.S.-China technology contest. Huawei’s early leadership in the first generation of 5G radio access networks raised the specter of China crushing the U.S. in a 5G race. But is the U.S. behind on the true fundamentals of 5G’s evolution?\n\n5G’s initial rollout features faster broadband. More importantly and over time, it will enable innovative information technology applications that allow networks of trillions of devices to perform novel tasks, such as autonomous vehicle operations.\n\nThe drivers of these changes will be semiconductors, cloud computing, software, and complex system solutions. The United States leads the world in all these fields. We can lay to rest the conventional wisdom that China is winning the race, and that the U.S. is behind.\n\nBut America’s long-term strengths cannot play out without a smart strategy. Today, 5G is much like computer networking was in the early 1990s. As Japan was pressing American firms hard in mainframe computing back then, U.S. government-sponsored research yielded the technology standards and protocols that we call the Internet. The Internet architecture created transparent standards that allowed new specialized American firms, such as Cisco, Microsoft, and Intel, to transform computing and communications.\n\nThe Internet lesson has implications about competitiveness and security for the U.S.’s 5G policies. With regard to competitiveness, the United States should not attempt to win a race between Huawei and a new American national champion. It should enable a larger variety of American firms to participate in 5G innovation. This strategy will undercut the dominance of Huawei and other legacy providers like Ericsson. America should push back against a concerted Chinese strategy to dominate the 5G standards process. The U.S. should facilitate 5G standards to embrace protocols that will move away from a single-vendor model to make 5G more like an open and modular network, driven by software and Cloud computing, much like the organized networks powering the Internet. The other keys are to use federal research and development and procurement dollars to encourage new entrants into the 5G market while working with allies to curtail the effects of Chinese government subsidies for Huawei’s low-cost offerings.\n\nThe competitiveness strategy will help manage immediate security risks. The new 5G standards will move control over the network from the traditional network equipment to smart devices at the edge of the network and cloud computing. This can reduce the risks of sabotage, espionage, and dependence. Meanwhile, as some countries, such as the U.S., decide to ban Huawei network equipment, others should work out security protocols to reduce potential risks created by its use.\n\nThe long-term security risk from 5G is far more sweeping than just Chinese technology. As 5G evolves, trillions of connected devices and software applications, many from international suppliers, will create massive data flows across borders. Every institution should practice targeted risk management, requiring continuous network monitoring, pre-established rapid response and repair protocols, redundancy, and backup. China will be a risk, but not the overriding risk. To get ahead of these threats, the United States should join like-minded countries in building complementary risk management practices.\n\nBack to Top","fieldSources":{"image":{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/how-can-us-maintain-global-leadership-science-and-technology.html","basis":"publisher_declared","format":"Published person (name and role labels)","published":"2020-11-18T08:08:53-05:00","observedAt":"2026-10-18T00:13:40.774482009Z","relationship":"publisher"},"description":{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/how-can-us-maintain-global-leadership-science-and-technology.html","basis":"publisher_declared","format":"Published person (name and role labels)","published":"2020-11-18T08:08:53-05:00","observedAt":"2026-10-18T00:13:40.774482009Z","relationship":"publisher"}}},"basis":"publisher_declared","fact_type":"people.person","schema_version":1,"first_observed_at":"2026-10-18T00:13:40.774482+00:00","last_confirmed_at":"2026-10-18T00:13:40.774482+00:00"},{"label":"Robert Lighthizer","value":{"@id":"urn:lumitra:person:3532bacd-ca59-4354-80a8-0df7f2418202","name":"Robert Lighthizer","@type":"Person","sources":[{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/chips-and-soybeans.html","format":"Published person (named with a role in the page's text)","jobTitle":"President","modified":"2025-09-30T11:18:17-04:00","published":"2025-09-30T11:15:43-04:00","observedAt":"2026-10-18T00:13:25.739915348Z","relationship":"publisher","httpLastModified":"Thu, 01 Jan 2026 23:54:05 GMT"}],"jobTitle":"President","witnessIds":["urn:lumitra:person:chinatasteny.com:3a95c87662b39093"],"fieldSources":{"jobTitle":{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/chips-and-soybeans.html","basis":"publisher_declared","format":"Published person (named with a role in the page's text)","published":"2025-09-30T11:15:43-04:00","observedAt":"2026-10-18T00:13:25.739915348Z","relationship":"publisher"}},"roles":[{"source":{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/chips-and-soybeans.html","format":"Published person (named with a role in the page's text)","published":"2025-09-30T11:15:43-04:00","relationship":"publisher"},"observed_at":"2026-10-18T00:13:25.739915+00:00","capacity":"president","title":"President"}]},"basis":"publisher_declared","fact_type":"people.person","schema_version":1,"first_observed_at":"2026-10-18T00:13:25.739915+00:00","last_confirmed_at":"2026-10-18T00:13:25.739915+00:00"},{"label":"Rorry Daniels","value":{"@id":"urn:lumitra:person:485dbbda-6e9c-43d7-87ca-1c0a939c26a4","name":"Rorry Daniels","@type":"Person","image":"https://www.chinafile.com/sites/default/files/styles/epsacrop_220x220/public/assets/images/profile/rorry_daniels_sm_0.jpg","sources":[{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/has-covid-19-changed-how-chinas-leaders-approach-national-security.html","format":"Published person (name and role labels)","modified":"2020-06-03T14:37:46-04:00","published":"2020-06-03T14:32:58-04:00","observedAt":"2026-10-18T00:14:03.302065575Z","relationship":"publisher","httpLastModified":"Fri, 02 Jan 2026 05:51:44 GMT"}],"witnessIds":["urn:lumitra:person:chinatasteny.com:f3d631d39d0ca8a7"],"description":"China’s strategic calculus on the value of a benign external security environment is changing due to changes in U.S. behavior. This shift was underway before the pandemic as China dealt with Washington’s new strategic calculus that China should be labeled and treated as a competitor and adversary, rather than as a partner. But the pandemic has accelerated China’s pursuit of an aggressive defense of its sovereignty because the costs of doing so are blunted by a convergence of American and Chinese behavior that precludes U.S. stewardship of a balancing coalition.\n\nThe Chinese Communist Party and the Trump administration, at the highest levels, both seem to view the purpose of accumulating state power to be the removal of behavioral constraints—in other words, exempting those with the most power from the consequences of breaking commonly accepted rules. Criticisms of Chinese behavior in the international system—such as coercion in trade , social , and territorial disputes—are now clearly observable in U.S. behavior as well, as American officials leverage threats to leave international treaties and defund multilateral organizations, break alliances and intelligence -sharing partnerships, and renegotiate existing trade deals.\n\nWhile neither country’s leaders openly claim to be upending a rules-based status quo, both seek what can be characterized as a “return” to rightful hierarchies to aggressively further their interests. Whether the slogan is “Make America Great Again” or the “rejuvenation of the Chinese nation,” both leaderships seek to redress the international community’s constraints on behavior by using coercive economic and political power to assert dominance. Thus, the problem the international community faces arises not from a dichotomy between the U.S. and China but rather from battle between those who believe they benefit from a power-based order versus those who believe they benefit from a rules-based order.\n\nFor middle or smaller powers confronting an aggressive defense of interests from either the U.S. or China, the choice of aligning with one against the other is becoming indistinguishable. This gives China room to double down on coercive behavior. Meanwhile, both China and the U.S. have a greater ability to absorb the costs of coercive approaches in a period of domestic distraction, as disruptions to labor and consumption patterns caused by coercive approaches simply do not register within the context of the greater disruptions of the pandemic. Additionally, both can probably bank on leverage accruing to larger economies in the eventual period of global recovery. Smaller economies have no clear alternative to the efficiencies offered by China’s manufacturing juggernaut or America’s financial system, and it is uncertain if smaller economies can use the pandemic period to reduce these dependencies at an acceptable cost.\n\nThe U.S. and Chinese leadership should consider the costs of “winning” this competition by destroying their partnerships and international credibility. The resulting international order would be more, not less, chaotic, and the pursuit of national interest more, not less, difficult. The only hope to avoid this dystopian hegemony is for middle powers to create a balancing coalition, not with the U.S. against China or with China against the U.S., but together against both.\n\nTopics:\n\nEconomy\n\nMedia\n\nMilitary\n\nPolitics\n\nKeywords:\n\nCoronavirus\n\nInternational Relations\n\nChinese Foreign Policy\n\nForeign Policy\n\nU.S.-China Relations\n\nChina-Taiwan Relations\n\nHong Kong\n\nHong Kong-Mainland Tension\n\nBack to Top","fieldSources":{"image":{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/has-covid-19-changed-how-chinas-leaders-approach-national-security.html","basis":"publisher_declared","format":"Published person (name and role labels)","published":"2020-06-03T14:32:58-04:00","observedAt":"2026-10-18T00:14:03.302065575Z","relationship":"publisher"},"description":{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/has-covid-19-changed-how-chinas-leaders-approach-national-security.html","basis":"publisher_declared","format":"Published person (name and role 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Shirk","value":{"@id":"urn:lumitra:person:3d99d3da-f246-46cb-a3d1-4f3df3969801","name":"Susan Shirk","@type":"Person","image":"https://www.chinafile.com/sites/default/files/styles/epsacrop_220x220/public/assets/images/profile/5833330915_bb7c02f997_b_0.jpg","sources":[{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/how-can-us-maintain-global-leadership-science-and-technology.html","format":"Published person (name and role labels)","modified":"2020-11-18T08:09:12-05:00","published":"2020-11-18T08:08:53-05:00","observedAt":"2026-10-18T00:13:40.774482009Z","relationship":"publisher","httpLastModified":"Thu, 01 Jan 2026 23:32:01 GMT"}],"witnessIds":["urn:lumitra:person:chinatasteny.com:567f6699aba2a51d"],"description":"Policymakers in the U.S. and China realize that science and technology have become focal points of their relations. Some American politicians have panicked over what they see as a Chinese technological juggernaut that is on the verge of surpassing the United States. They therefore advocate “decoupling” from China—that is, dismantling the U.S.-China cross-border technology and production chains—or at the very least, reducing scientific and business collaboration with China in order to block its access to the crown jewels of American technology.\n\nThis would be a mistake. Foundational technology and long-term technological trends suggest the U.S. holds a lead in basic science, 5G mobile broadband telecommunications, artificial intelligence, and biotechnology. Yes, some weaknesses have crept into the U.S. system of science and technology development. The best way to remedy them and to sustain U.S. leadership is to adopt a strategy that builds on America’s asymmetric advantages: its foundational technological strength, its adherence to an open global knowledge economy, and its superior ability to attract talent from around the world to its world-class universities and STEM workforce. Broad restrictions on cross-border collaboration and immigration would undermine American innovation.\n\nOpenness creates risks. The United States ought to utilize a highly targeted approach to managing risks, tailoring it to specific technologies and modeled on our experience with cyber security. A national-security-centered strategy aimed at eliminating all risks would be unrealistic and destructive to the U.S.’s vibrant society, economy, and innovation ecosystem. America would become weaker, and therefore less secure, if we follow that approach. Instead, we should utilize monitoring and risk-identification systems, construct multiple layers of safeguards, and increase redundancy of certain critical capabilities. We already defend against hacks or theft of personal information on the Internet but haven’t yet attempted to put in place systems to secure other new infrastructure technologies.\n\nThough America still leads in many areas, much technological advancement now originates outside of the United States, including in China. Tackling the risks associated with climate change or producing new medical treatments depends on blending specialized capabilities from many sources. Once created, and regardless of where it is created, knowledge usually spreads despite government controls. In such a complex environment, the best leadership strategy is to race faster by investing in American innovation and welcoming talented individuals from all countries.\n\nA new American strategy should focus on three key goals:\n\nBolster U.S. innovation capabilities through measures ranging from increased funding for fundamental research to selective upgrading of our production system.\n\nTailor targeted risk management measures to address current and future security threats.\n\nPreserve as many of the benefits of an open, ethical, and integrated global knowledge economy as possible.\n\nThese three policy goals are complementary; the successful realization of one depends on the implementation of the other two. Moreover, they are most likely to succeed if they are designed and implemented collaboratively with like-minded countries.\n\nTo manage relations with China today and in the future, the foreign policy community needs to master the nuances of emerging technologies just as it had to learn about nuclear weapons during the U.S.-U.S.S.R. Cold War.","fieldSources":{"image":{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/how-can-us-maintain-global-leadership-science-and-technology.html","basis":"publisher_declared","format":"Published person (name and role labels)","published":"2020-11-18T08:08:53-05:00","observedAt":"2026-10-18T00:13:40.774482009Z","relationship":"publisher"},"description":{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/how-can-us-maintain-global-leadership-science-and-technology.html","basis":"publisher_declared","format":"Published person (name and role labels)","published":"2020-11-18T08:08:53-05:00","observedAt":"2026-10-18T00:13:40.774482009Z","relationship":"publisher"}}},"basis":"publisher_declared","fact_type":"people.person","schema_version":1,"first_observed_at":"2026-10-18T00:13:40.774482+00:00","last_confirmed_at":"2026-10-18T00:13:40.774482+00:00"},{"label":"Susan Thornton","value":{"@id":"urn:lumitra:person:954a06a4-2dd7-4dda-8ff4-e6dfde06d02b","name":"Susan Thornton","@type":"Person","image":"https://www.chinafile.com/sites/default/files/styles/epsacrop_220x220/public/assets/images/profile/thornton_sm.png","sources":[{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/has-covid-19-changed-how-chinas-leaders-approach-national-security.html","format":"Published person (name and role labels)","modified":"2020-06-03T14:37:46-04:00","published":"2020-06-03T14:32:58-04:00","observedAt":"2026-10-18T00:14:03.302065575Z","relationship":"publisher","httpLastModified":"Fri, 02 Jan 2026 05:51:44 GMT"}],"witnessIds":["urn:lumitra:person:chinatasteny.com:6b380f88fa4fc622"],"description":"It is no secret that the U.S. and China are currently locked in an escalatory cycle of tit-for-tat retaliation that is propelling a mutual narrative of bilateral enmity. Officials on both sides are telling stories about who is responsible and how we got here, and, as is almost always the case, the reality lies somewhere in the middle. The COVID-19 crisis has almost nothing to do with it, except that it should have been met with urgently prioritized international cooperation to save lives and head off economic disaster, which would have relegated frictions on other more parochial matters temporarily to the background. That has not happened, and both the U.S. and China are racing ahead with ill-considered and damaging proposals and actions that have nothing to do with fighting a pandemic disease that will likely kill millions. They are both diminished in the eyes of the world for it.\n\nChina’s leaders have never believed that the country enjoyed a benign external security environment, but assigning a lower priority to external security concerns allowed for a focus on more pressing resource needs, such as social and economic modernization. Clearly, we are now in a period when China is not willing, or feels it is unable, to sacrifice those external concerns (maritime claims in the South and East China Seas, Taiwan, Hong Kong, Xinjiang, Tibet, border disputes) to the expedient of modernization. This is a strategic mistake. Asserting that China was pushed by the actions of others to defend its interests, as in the recent case of Hong Kong security legislation , will certainly draw fire from ideological partisans in America, whereas stating that China has adopted an unacceptably aggressive foreign and security policy since the late 2000s will meet objection in Beijing. But both are true.\n\nThere is still time to move back to a more constructive path, which would be better for China, the U.S., and the world. Whether China will return to a less assertive, more collaborative approach in the future will depend on the actions of others and on whether the leadership in Beijing views such actions as imposing acceptable constraints on its freedom of action (e.g. effective intellectual property rights protection, concessions on industrial subsidies , a code of conduct in the South China Sea) or as intended to unacceptably undermine China’s interests (e.g. by attacking leading Chinese industries). It will also depend on leaders in both China and the United States appreciating that history would judge a 21st century conflict between these two countries as the height of human folly.","fieldSources":{"image":{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/has-covid-19-changed-how-chinas-leaders-approach-national-security.html","basis":"publisher_declared","format":"Published person (name and role labels)","published":"2020-06-03T14:32:58-04:00","observedAt":"2026-10-18T00:14:03.302065575Z","relationship":"publisher"},"description":{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/has-covid-19-changed-how-chinas-leaders-approach-national-security.html","basis":"publisher_declared","format":"Published person (name and role labels)","published":"2020-06-03T14:32:58-04:00","observedAt":"2026-10-18T00:14:03.302065575Z","relationship":"publisher"}}},"basis":"publisher_declared","fact_type":"people.person","schema_version":1,"first_observed_at":"2026-10-18T00:14:03.302065+00:00","last_confirmed_at":"2026-10-18T00:14:03.302065+00:00"},{"label":"Tai Ming Cheung","value":{"@id":"urn:lumitra:person:aee9b518-02ab-4008-a463-a47ab93ba3c4","name":"Tai Ming Cheung","@type":"Person","image":"https://www.chinafile.com/sites/default/files/styles/epsacrop_220x220/public/assets/images/profile/tai_ming_cheung_0.jpg","sources":[{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/how-can-us-maintain-global-leadership-science-and-technology.html","format":"Published person (name and role labels)","modified":"2020-11-18T08:09:12-05:00","published":"2020-11-18T08:08:53-05:00","observedAt":"2026-10-18T00:13:40.774482009Z","relationship":"publisher","httpLastModified":"Thu, 01 Jan 2026 23:32:01 GMT"}],"witnessIds":["urn:lumitra:person:chinatasteny.com:08c2189284aff0e9"],"description":"One of the emerging central arenas of long-term U.S.-China technological and security competition is in the dual-use civil-military domain. The spotlight has been on China’s pursuit of military-civil fusion (MCF), that is, the integration of the civilian and defense economies to share resources, know-how, and capabilities. The question of how China’s defense establishment can leverage the civilian sector to support its modernization has drawn special attention.\n\nThe Xi Jinping administration has made MCF a leading goal in its economic and technology development priorities from the outset of its rule in 2012, but the U.S. government only began to pay attention to MCF as a growing source of concern in the late 2010s. In the past year or so, the U.S. government has attributed some of the underhanded practices that China has used to acquire U.S. technology, knowledge, and research under the MCF label and sought to counter these efforts. This includes the arrest of Chinese military officers who were sent to U.S. universities posing as civilian researchers without disclosing their military affiliations. This past week, the Trump administration issued orders banning U.S. investment in Chinese firms that are believed to be linked with the Chinese military.\n\nWhile much of the focus of the U.S. government has been on China’s efforts to pursue military-civil fusion, the U.S. has arguably an even better developed dual-use civil-military innovation system that has been overlooked by Washington, D.C. During the Cold War, the U.S. Department of Defense was often at the forefront of seeding new technology breakthroughs. When the Soviet Union surprised the U.S. in 1957 with the launch of its Sputnik manned space vehicle, the U.S. responded vigorously by establishing new innovative organizations such as the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA) that helped to mobilize the basic research establishment for big and long-term technological challenges.\n\nThe U.S. national security innovation base faces a number of mounting barriers to remaining an innovation leader. Some of the biggest obstacles include an increasingly outmoded and broken acquisition system that moves at the pace of the Pentagon bureaucracy and a national security complex—traditional defense contractors and the Congressional defense constituency—that is insular and has few meaningful ties with the commercial innovation sector that could provide much needed new technology and competition.\n\nThe U.S. needs to undertake a similar exercise today as it did during the Cold War to revitalize its national security innovation base and promote cooperation and competition between the civilian and defense sectors by developing a U.S. version of MCF. Key priorities should include better leveraging the commercial sector for dual-use capabilities, significantly expanding investment in basic research and development, mobilizing the university system to support research on major strategic problems, and establishing a new DARPA or NASA-like organization focusing on dual-use and strategic commercial technologies such as quantum, Artificial Intelligence, and other next generation transformational technologies.","fieldSources":{"image":{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/how-can-us-maintain-global-leadership-science-and-technology.html","basis":"publisher_declared","format":"Published person (name and role labels)","published":"2020-11-18T08:08:53-05:00","observedAt":"2026-10-18T00:13:40.774482009Z","relationship":"publisher"},"description":{"url":"http://chinatasteny.com/how-can-us-maintain-global-leadership-science-and-technology.html","basis":"publisher_declared","format":"Published person (name and role 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